A Brief History of North Cyprus
British Rule (1878-1960)
Britain had no involvement with
Cyprus before 1878, but the island’s sudden and peaceful absorption into
the British Empire is not difficult to explain. The keystone of the
British imperial policy in the 19th century was to protect the sea route
to India, and to support the Ottoman Empire against the ambitions of an
ever-expanding Russia. The Crimean War of 1853-6 had been fought for
just such a purpose.
In 1875 Britain purchased a key
block of Suez Canal shares. Three years later another crisis caused by
Russian ambitions over the disintegrating Ottoman Empire was defused,
and the British prime minister began to show signs of distinctly
predatory interest in the area nearest to the Suez Canal. During these
negotiations in 1878 Cyprus was acquired by Britain in order to assist
the Ottoman Empire. The nature of that assistance was to be more fully
revealed four years later, in 1882, when Britain absorbed into her own
Empire the old Ottoman province of Egypt.
While the Greek Cypriots had at
first welcomed British rule hoping that they would gradually achieve
prosperity, democracy and national liberation, they were soon
disillusioned. The British imposed heavy
taxes to
cover the compensation which they were paying to the Sultan for having
ceded Cyprus to them. Moreover, the people were not given the right to
participate in the administration of the island since all powers were
reserved to the High Commissioner and to London. A few years later the
system was reformed and some members of the legislative Council were
elected by the Cypriots, but in reality their participation was very
marginal.
The British faced two major
political problems on the island. The first was to contain the desire
for union with Greece (enosis).
The second was the consequential problem of keeping the two communities
in harmony once the
Turkish Cypriots
began to respond to enosis by calling for partition (taksim) as a
defence against their being Hellenised, as they saw it. The
Greek-Cypriots could easily claim that they had a strong case in history
and they constituted between three quarters and three fifths of the
population.
Under the convention of occupation, Cyprus was still a part of the
Ottoman Empire, and the excess of revenue over expenditure, agreed at
£92,000, was paid annually to the Sultan.
The British undertook an extensive program of public works, including
the construction of roads and bridges, drinking and irrigation water
supplies, and even a railway line linking Nicosia to Famagusta and
Guzelyurt (Morphou). In addition, port facilities were improved, and
administration buildings, schools and hospitals were built.
When Turkey sided with Germany in World War I, Britain annexed the
island, annulling the convention of 1878. In 1915, Great Britain offered
Cyprus to Greece in return for joining the allied cause, but this
suggestion was rejected, and with it the chance of enosis, the striving
to which would cause so much strife in the future. Ten years later,
Cyprus became a Crown Colony, and the High Commissioner was replaced by
a Governor.
Meanwhile, the enosis movement, aiming for union
with Greece, was growing within the Greek Cypriot community, fostered by
the powerful Orthodox Church. The movement erupted into island wide
riots in 1931, during which Government House was burnt to the ground.
The uprising was crushed, and the Legislative Council abolished, thus
eliminating the local voice in government decisions.
In 1941, during the second world war, Britain again offered Cyprus to
Greece, this time in return for military action in Bulgaria. Again the
suggestion was rejected.
After World War II, when 30,000 Cypriots fought in
the British army, calls for enosis were renewed. A plebiscite organized
in 1950 by Makarios, later Archbishop Makarios III, showed that 96% of
the Greek Cypriots supported union with Greece. However, it has been
reported that excommunication was a stick used to encourage the
overwhelming vote. Furthermore, it is doubtful that many Cypriots
understood the full implications of enosis, quite apart from the fact
that it was anathema to the Turkish Cypriot minority.
Post war attitudes were against the old ideas of
colonialism, and when Greek Cypriot demands for self determination
resulted only in the offer of a new constitution, the signal was given
for Colonel George Grivas to launch EOKA. (National Organization of
Cypriot Fighters) This armed struggle against British rule began in
April 1955, and was abetted in the churches by the clergy, with the
blessing, indeed the leadership, of Archbishop Makarios III. The latter
was exiled to the Seychelles 14 months later after the call for enosis
had been outlawed. The Turkish Cypriot community spawned their own
movements; taksim called for the division of the island; TMT was the
Turkish Cypriot resistance movement.
After a conference attended by Greece, Turkey and
Britain in June 1955 failed to achieve a solution, Greece applied to the
United Nations in 1957 and again in 1958, claiming the right of self
determination for Cypriots. This claim, of course, did not take into
account the position of the Turkish Cypriot minority, and as a
counterthrust, Turkey suggested a partition of the island.
With the death toll rising above 500, the British
were anxious to find a suitable formula for independence. This was
eventually hammered out in the Treaty of Zurich, and on 19th February
1959, Makarios III, Dr. Fazil Kucuk (the Turkish Cypriot
representative), plus the prime ministers of Britain, Greece, and
Turkey, all signed the London Accord, granting Cyprus independence. The
agreement, which left Britain with the sovereign base areas of Akrotiri
and Dhekelia, provided guarantor powers of intervention to Britain,
Greece, and Turkey.
The Republic of Cyprus came into being on 19th
August 1960, and on 20th September it joined the United Nations, and the
British Commonwealth.
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